In recent years, hostile forces have repeatedly attempted to distort achievements in building socialist democracy and to misrepresent the superiority of Vietnam’s socialist democracy. Therefore, identifying, exposing and refuting these distorted and hostile viewpoints, while affirming the progressive nature of socialist democracy, are essential tasks in the ongoing construction and perfection of socialist democracy in our country.

1. Identifying distorted viewpoints on Vietnam’s socialist democracy

Democracy is a component of the framework of social consciousness.
The emergence of bourgeois democracy, linked to the dialectical negation of feudal despotism, marked a certain advance in human social history. The bourgeois system achieved notable success in defining human and civil rights, contributing to the realisation of some fundamental human aspirations for freedom and democracy. However, bourgeois democracy still reveals many shortcomings, as capitalism remains unable to resolve its inherent and fundamental contradictions.

Socialist democracy is a form of democracy in which all power truly belongs to the people. It represents the broadest democracy in history, ensuring the fullest realisation of the people’s right to mastery. V. I. Lenin once affirmed: “The proletarian democratic system is a million times more democratic than any bourgeois democratic system: the Soviet government is a million times more democratic than the most democratic bourgeois republic.”⁽¹⁾  The emergence of socialist democracy accords with the laws of human social development and fulfils the long-standing aspirations of progressive humanity.

Each country and nation, based on its own economic, political, geographical, cultural and historical conditions, has the right to choose its political system and the freedom to develop its economy, society and culture.

Democracy is the essence of the socialist regime in Vietnam. It represents the form of democracy that most effectively ensures the people’s genuine exercise of their right to mastery, founded on public ownership of the principal means of production. Within this system, individual, collective and societal interests are unified and harmoniously balanced.

However, hostile forces have employed every possible tactic to deny and distort the superiority of socialist democracy in Vietnam. Their attempts to discredit and misrepresent this system can be identified across several key aspects as follows:

Regarding objectives, their aim is to erode public confidence in the leadership of the Communist Party of Vietnam and the Socialist Republic of Vietnam; to gradually dismantle the political and ideological foundation of the regime; and to bring about a transformation of Vietnam’s political system.

Regarding the subject, these activities are carried out mainly by organisations, associations and non-governmental groups operating under the guise of democracy and human rights; by certain reactionary Vietnamese groups abroad; far-right forces and some extremist parliamentarians in Western countries; as well as a number of opportunistic and politically hostile individuals within the country who are bribed, manipulated and directed by external actors.

Regarding content, these forces seek to absolutise and promote Western bourgeois democracy; they focus on distorting and misrepresenting the achievements of the Communist Party and the State of Vietnam in implementing democracy, accusing Vietnam of “lacking democracy”, “having no democracy” or “violating democratic norms”. They deliberately set democracy in opposition to discipline, order and state governance, and attribute the alleged “absence of democracy” to the one-party system, arguing that Vietnam must adopt pluralism and multi-party politics and abolish the Communist Party of Vietnam’s leading role in order to achieve democracy.

Regarding forms and methods, the methods employed are highly diverse, sophisticated and insidious. They combine theoretical attacks with exaggerated interpretations of social issues, pair external subversion with the promotion of opposition associations and organisations inside the country, and exploit and magnify any shortcomings or weaknesses in national governance and policy implementation to discredit the system. More subtly, they use democracy and human rights as pretexts to exert pressure and interfere in Vietnam’s internal affairs, linking economic and diplomatic cooperation or aid to demands regarding democracy and human rights. The narratives propagated by these forces often appear objective, academic and patriotic, adopting the guise of “democrats” or “patriots”, but in reality, they are designed to subvert and distort our regime. Hostile forces have extensively exploited social media and mass communication platforms to disseminate and amplify these distorted claims, thereby denying the superiority of Vietnam’s socialist democracy.

Regarding consequences and harms, the distorted narratives propagated by hostile forces have sown doubt, anxiety and uncertainty among a segment of cadres, Party members and the public regarding the nature and superiority of Vietnam’s socialist democratic system, as well as the State’s capacity to implement democracy under the leadership of the Communist Party of Vietnam. This, in turn, fosters “self-transformation” and “self-evolution” within institutions, and incites protests and riots aimed at undermining the Party and State, with the ultimate objective of changing Vietnam’s political system.

2. The superiority of Vietnam’s socialist democracy

The superiority of socialist democracy in Vietnam is undeniable.
In practice, under the wise and capable leadership of the Communist Party of Vietnam, the Vietnamese people have transformed from slaves to masters of their own country. The people are truly the masters, organising and building a new society by themselves, with their material and spiritual lives increasingly improved.

The progressive nature and superiority of democracy in Vietnam are vividly and concretely reflected across all aspects of social life. Human rights and civil rights are guaranteed and realised in practice according to the motto: “The people know, the people discuss, the people do, the people check, the people supervise, and the people benefit.”⁽²⁾ The people are genuinely the subjects of state power in all economic, political, cultural and social spheres, exercising their mastery through both direct and indirect forms.

The achievements of Vietnam’s renewal process are the result of the Party’s, the State’s and the people’s persistent and continuous efforts to realise socialist democracy. This demonstrates that Vietnam’s democratic system is the one in which “all state power belongs to the people,” founded on the alliance of “the working class, the peasantry and the intelligentsia.”⁽³⁾  It is a system that fully promotes the people’s dynamism and creativity in national construction and defence, ensuring the most effective exercise of their right to mastery in practice.

It is affirmed that exercising democracy cannot be separated from discipline, order, Party leadership, and state governance. The establishment of a modern state of the working class and the labouring people, under the leadership of the Communist Party, is the fundamental and prerequisite condition for the implementation of socialist democracy. Therefore, there is no such thing as “classless democracy” or “generalised democracy.” Every form of democracy is linked to a specific type of state and reflects the character of its ruling class.

Unlike other forms of state throughout history, the socialist state is a special type of state – a “state no longer in the full traditional sense,” a “half-state.” In this system, the state primarily performs organisational and constructive functions to realise the power of the working class and the labouring people. Coercive measures are secondary but necessary, aimed at preventing acts of opposition that undermine the revolutionary cause, contradict democratic values, infringe upon the legitimate rights of the working class and the labouring people, or hinder the development of socialist democracy.

For this reason, the Communist Party of Vietnam has consistently emphasised the need to firmly maintain and properly manage the relationship “between democratic practice and the strengthening of the rule of law, ensuring social discipline.”⁽⁴⁾  Democracy, when paired with discipline, is a prerequisite for ensuring that individual rights are exercised in harmony with duties, thereby preventing excessive, arbitrary or lawless forms of democracy. Indiscriminate or improperly applied democracy contradicts the very nature of socialist democracy and directly leads to the erosion of democratic practice, creating conditions for bureaucracy, abuse of authority, corruption, and other negative phenomena to thrive.

It is affirmed that the implementation of political pluralism and a multi-party system is not a prerequisite for democracy. The realisation of democracy depends primarily on whether the ruling party possesses a truly revolutionary and pioneering nature, and whether it genuinely safeguards and ensures the people’s right to mastery – rather than serving the interests of a privileged minority within society. In Vietnam, abandoning the leadership and governance of the Communist Party of Vietnam in favour of political pluralism and multi-party rule would not result in greater democracy. On the contrary, it would lead to social disorder, national instability, hardship for the people, and even the loss of the revolutionary achievements for which previous generations struggled and sacrificed to secure national independence, freedom and the people’s happiness.

For this reason, the calls by hostile forces for “political pluralism” and “oppositional multi-party systems” are in fact plots aimed at stripping the socialistic characteristic from Vietnam’s democratic system. Such attempts are wholly unacceptable, as they run counter to the legitimate aspirations of the Vietnamese people.

In capitalist societies, “the claim of equality in rights, without accompanying equality in the conditions for exercising those rights, has meant that democracy remains merely formal, empty and insubstantial.”⁽⁵⁾ For Vietnam, socialist democracy is the essence of the socialist regime – both the ultimate goal and the driving force of national development. Article 6 of the 2013 Constitution clearly stipulates that the people exercise state power through both direct and representative democracy, via the National Assembly, People’s Councils and other state agencies. The documents of the 13th National Party Congress affirm: “The Party provides leadership, the State governs, and the Vietnam Fatherland Front together with socio-political organisations serve as the core for the people to exercise their right to mastery, thereby emphasising the people’s role as the central subject and driving force in the country’s development strategy and throughout the process of building and defending the Fatherland.”⁽⁶⁾

In practice, the establishment of the socialist political system in Vietnam provides the strongest guarantee for the effective exercise of the people’s democratic rights, enabling democracy to be continuously expanded and substantively realised, truly reflecting the noble nature of the socialist regime.

3. Some measures to refute distorted and denialist views on the superiority of Vietnam’s socialist democracy in the coming period

In the coming years, the global and regional situation is expected to continue evolving rapidly, marked by growing complexity and unpredictability. While peace, cooperation and development remain prevailing trends, they will also encounter numerous obstacles, difficulties and challenges. Denying the superiority of Vietnam’s socialist democracy continues to be a central focus in the “peaceful evolution” schemes pursued by hostile forces. In this context, in order to expose and refute distorted and denialist views on the superiority of Vietnam’s socialist democracy, attention should be directed toward implementing the following key measures:

First, maintain and strengthen the leadership of the Party and the management and administration of the State in safeguarding the Party’s ideological foundation in general, and in combating and refuting distorted and denialist views on the superiority of Vietnam’s socialist democracy in particular. This measure serves as the cornerstone for mobilising the combined strength of the entire Party, the people, and the political system as a whole, focusing efforts on countering the schemes and tactics of hostile forces.

Second, enhance the dissemination and education of Marxism–Leninism and Ho Chi Minh Thought, thereby raising awareness among cadres, Party members, and the public about socialist democracy. This is an essential measure to help unify understanding across the entire Party, people, and army regarding the revolutionary and scientific nature of socialist democracy. Accordingly, popularisation and education efforts should ensure that cadres, Party members, and citizens fully understand that socialist democracy is the form of democracy that most effectively guarantees the people’s genuine exercise of sovereignty.

“Democracy is the essence of the socialist regime, serving both as a goal and as a driving force for building socialism. Establishing socialist democracy and ensuring that state power truly belongs to the people is a vital and long-term task of the Vietnamese revolution. Our policy is to continuously expand and promote democracy, building a socialist rule-of-law state genuinely of the people, by the people, and for the people, based on the alliance of workers, peasants, and intellectuals under the leadership of the Communist Party of Vietnam.”⁽⁷⁾

Third, promote the role of specialised forces and collaborators in combating and refuting distorted and denialist views on the superiority of Vietnam’s socialist democracy. Effectively countering narratives propagated by hostile forces requires precise, well-reasoned, and scientifically grounded arguments that expose their fallacies, sophistry, and illogical reasoning, while simultaneously highlighting and affirming the scientific and revolutionary essence of Marxism–Leninism, Ho Chi Minh Thought, and socialist democracy.

Accordingly, the specialised forces tasked with this work must be well-trained and nurtured to develop a firm grasp of Marxism–Leninism, Ho Chi Minh Thought, the Party’s guidelines and policies, and state laws. They must also possess broad interdisciplinary knowledge, a strong sense of responsibility, professional competence, theoretical acumen, practical experience, and the courage to confront and refute hostile and erroneous viewpoints in all circumstances.

The capabilities of scholars, theoreticians, writers, artists, intellectuals, respected public figures, and influential voices in the online sphere should be harnessed in this endeavour. Special mechanisms and policies should be established to encourage and create the most favorable conditions for these individuals to fulfill their roles effectively.

Fourth, renew content, forms, and methods used to combat and refute distorted and denialist views on the superiority of Vietnam’s socialist democracy. At present, hostile forces employ numerous tactics disguised as academic or scientific discourse, using sophisticated sophistry and formal logic to distort the content, essence, and superiority of Vietnam’s socialist democracy. This reality necessitates renewal in the content, forms, and methods of the struggle.

The principle of combining “constructive engagement” with “resistance” should be applied, in which “constructive engagement” serves as the foundation, while “resistance” must be decisive, effective, and appropriate to the context. The role of mass media in this effort should be further strengthened. Sharp theoretical debate needs to be closely integrated with expressive and artistic forms such as theatre, literature, poetry, and musical performance. In addition, the achievements of the Fourth Industrial Revolution, particularly the potential of cyberspace, should be fully leveraged. Efforts should also focus on expanding publications across websites, blogs, fanpages, social networks, YouTube, and online forums to conduct timely, wide-reaching communication campaigns, ensuring the struggle effectively reaches and engages a broad audience.

Fifth, highlight and affirm the positive nature and the achievements of Vietnam’s implementation of socialist democracy. Efforts should be intensified to disseminate information and publicise the country’s development successes and democratic practices. Close coordination among various communication channels and the effective use of diplomatic and international cooperation are essential to promote Vietnam’s democratic achievements to the international community and overseas Vietnamese. Through these concerted efforts, distorted and denialist narratives seeking to undermine the superiority of Vietnam’s socialist democracy can be effectively countered.

Sixth, proactively monitor developments and promptly forecast the schemes and activities of hostile forces seeking to distort or deny the superiority of Vietnam’s socialist democracy. The effectiveness of research and forecasting must be enhanced by consistently identifying the tactics and manoeuvres of such forces and recognising the deceptive and insidious nature of their narratives.

It is essential to correctly identify target groups and the methods employed; to maintain vigilance and accurately anticipate focal points of subversive activity, particularly in key areas, remote regions, and ethnic minority communities facing socio-economic difficulties or unresolved disputes. Prevention and deterrence should be closely combined with proactive measures to dismantle distorted and hostile arguments, avoiding being passive or caught by surprise. Timely communication and refutation of erroneous or hostile views should be carried out, especially before every National Party Congress, National Assembly session, or major national event. Greater application of technological and digital solutions is needed to detect and counter such views promptly. Regular reviews, assessments, and the sharing of lessons learned should be organised to continuously improve the effectiveness of efforts to combat and refute distorted and denialist perspectives on the superiority of Vietnam’s socialist democracy./.

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 (1) V.I. Lenin, Complete Works, National Political Publishing House, Hanoi, 2005, vol. 37, pp. 312–313.
(2) Documents of the 13th National Party Congress, National Political Publishing House, Hanoi, 2021, vol. I, p. 173.

(3) Documents of the 11th National Party Congress, National Political Publishing House, Hanoi, 2011, p. 85.
(4) Documents of the 13th National Party Congress, op. cit., vol. I, p. 119.

(5) Nguyen Phu Trong, Some Theoretical and Practical Issues on Socialism and the Path to Socialism in Vietnam, National Political Publishing House, Hanoi, 2022, p. 21.

(6) Documents of the 13th National Party Congress, op. cit., vol. I, p. 173.

(7) Nguyen Phu Trong, Some Theoretical and Practical Issues on Socialism and the Path to Socialism in Vietnam, op. cit., p. 28.