Communist Review - Vietnam's foreign policy adopted by the Communist Party of Vietnam’s 13th National Congress is comprehensive and inclusive, reflecting the Party’s perception and outlook in agreement with the contemporary world and the global, regional situation as well as the international security environment. This policy clearly defined who are “partners” and “adversaries” by inheriting the consistent foreign policy that Vietnam has carried out since the early days of Doi Moi.

The Communist Party of Vietnam’s perception transformation of “partners” and “adversaries” in international relations since the Doi Moi course

The Communist Party of Vietnam’s perception transformation of “partners” and “adversaries” in foreign policy is associated with the comprehensive reform initiated by the 6th Party Congress (December 1986). In the foreign policy strategy determined by the 6th Party Congress, a due consideration was given not only to strengthening the special traditional relations between three Indochinese countries, the friendship and comprehensive cooperation with socialist nations but also to enhancing the partnership with countries of different socio-political regimes. This perception is developed based on the awareness of combining the strength of the nation with the power of our time in order to make the best use of all resources for the national growth. However, a really strategic transformation in Party's perception of foreign policy is reflected in the Politburo's Resolution No. 13/NQ-TW dated May 20, 1988 on “the tasks and foreign policies in the new situation”(1). It pointed out that Vietnam's diplomatic strategy is “more friends, less enemies”, cooperation and struggle, peaceful coexistence, “expansion and diversification of international relations” to maintain a peaceful environment, promote international integration, break embargoes, and win the support of the international community for the country's renovation course. The present Resolution is considered as a turning point in strategic foreign thinking and a foundation for our Party to further develop its foreign policy in the next period.

At the 7th National Congress (June 1991), the Party clearly affirmed “the policy of equal and win-win cooperation with all countries, regardless of their socio-political regimes on the basis of peaceful coexistence”(2). Keeping an open mind, the Party asserted: “Vietnam wants to be friend with all countries in the world community, striving for peace, independence and development”(3). At that moment, with the prestige and position of the country, it can be understood that “Vietnam wants to be friend with all countries” means a wish to actively promote relations with countries so as to become “their partner”. The Platform on National Construction in the period of transition towards socialism approved by the 7th Party Congress also defined Vietnam's foreign policy of peace, cooperation and friendship with all countries. Accordingly, during this period, Vietnam has succeeded to break embargoes; actively implement the foreign policy of independence, self-reliance, multilateralization and diversification, restore, expand and establish diplomatic relations with all major countries, in which the important turning point was the normalization of relations with the US, the signing of a memorandum of understanding with the EU and the adhesion to the Association of Southeast Asia Nations (ASEAN) in the same year 1995.

Inheriting the foreign policy and promoting the meaningful results achieved in all fields after 10 years of renovation, for the first time in its Political Report, the 8th Party Congress (1996) stated: “It is necessary to continue to implementing a foreign policy of independence, self-reliance, openness, multilateralization and diversification in the spirit that Vietnam wants to be a friend with all countries in the world community, striving for peace, independence and development... Vietnam advocates multi-faceted, bilateral and multilateral cooperation with other countries, international and regional organizations on the principle of mutual respect for independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity, and non-interference in each other's internal affairs, equality and mutual benefit, amicable resolution of disputes to ensure peace, stability, security, cooperation and development”(4).

In the twenty-first century, after 15 years of Doi Moi, Vietnam's position in international arena has been improved. Since then, the 9th Party Congress (April 2001) has adjusted its motto from “Vietnam wants to be a friend with all countries in the international community” into “Vietnam is willing to be a friend”. And for the first time, it is further emphasized that “Vietnam is willing to be a reliable partner of countries in the international community, striving for peace, independence and development”(5). The phrase “Vietnam is willing to be a friend” can be interpreted as that with its achievements, Vietnam's international position has been enhanced after 15 years of Doi Moi, allowing Vietnam not only to openly express its proposal but also receive offers from “partners” who want to promote relations with an innovative Vietnam. In other words, the “partnership” in Vietnam's foreign affairs has had a two-way boost. The addition of expression “a reliable partner” shows that Vietnam not only wishes to expand relations, but also upgrade relations to new heights. This sets the premise for identifying partners in Vietnam's foreign relations.

Before the 9th Party Congress, the Politburo issued Resolution No. 07 NQ/TW dated November 27, 2001 on “international economic integration”, in which it set out the guiding motto in international cooperation to bring into play external resources for national economic growth. Accordingly, the Resolution pointed out that “international economic integration is a process of cooperation, and struggle which brings numerous opportunities and challenges. It is thus essential to keep an alert mind, be sage and flexible in handling the duality of integration depending on specific objects, cases, and circumstances. A great importance should simultaneously be attached to the harmonization of international economic integration with the maintain of national security. It is required to heighten vigilance to defend against devious “peaceful evolution” conspiracy.

In the middle of the 9th Plenium,  the 8th Central Committee (July 2003) approved a Resolution on “Strategy for national defense in the new situation”(7). An important highlight of this Resolution is that, for the first time, a Party’s official document set forth the principle of defining “partners” and “adversaries” in Vietnam's international relations. This definition was resulted from Vietnam strategy of diversification and multilateralization. At the same time, it helps to have a dialectical view between cooperation and struggle, between economic interests and political stability and national security, between national interests and duties in international integration. It could be noted that defining and specifying the scope of “adversaries” and “partners” in the present Resolution is viewed as a transformation of perception, reflecting the Party’s dialectical strategic thinking in line with the rapid evolution of international relations, which helps Vietnam avoid ambiguity and get rid of extreme thinking about “partner-enemy” during the Cold War.

The 10th Congress (April 2006), the 11th Congress (January 2011) and the 12th Congress (January 2016) continued to affirm Vietnam's consistent foreign policy of “multilateralization, diversification”, emphasizing the need for “active and proactive” international integration for the supreme national interest. In particular, inheriting the Resolution of the 9th Plenum of the 8th Central Committee, the 11th plenum of the 8th Central Committee adopted Resolution No. 28-NQ/TW dated October 25, 2013 on “strategy to defend the Fatherland in the new situation”(8). This Resolution set forth the perception of “partners” and “adversaries”, according to which those who respect Vietnam’s independence, sovereignty, establish and expand friendship and pursue equality and win-win cooperation are considered partners. In contrast, any hostile force that conspires and acts against Vietnam's revolutionary goals in the cause of national construction and defense is subject to Vietnam's struggle. It can be said that this identification of “partners” and “adversaries” constitutes a basis for proper handling of foreign affairs, clearly showing the dialectics of organic relations of two tasks, namely building and safeguarding the Fatherland. Such identification of the concept “partner” conforms to the Party's view since the beginning of Doi Moi which is: Vietnam wants/stands willing to be a friend and a reliable partner of other countries in the international community. Meanwhile, throughout the evolution of the world situation and the implementation of revolutionary process, reality has shown that “adversaries” include not only forces that have plots to cause war, rebellion and subversion but also hostile forces encroaching upon our sovereignty, territorial integrity and national interests by military and non - military means from inside and outside. However, it is important not to restrict to only one aspect of “partner” or “adversary”. This is likely to lead to extreme attitudes. In this spirit, the Resolution pointed out that “as the situations still unfold unexpectedly, a dialectical view is required: In each adversary, there can still exist advantage that we could take. In each partner, there may be an aspect that conflicts with our interests and thus it needs to be fought.” The transformation of Party's awareness and views on “partners” and “adversaries” is dialectical and consistent with reality. From the perspective of Resolution No. 28-NQ/TW, the 12th Party Congress emphasized that Vietnam's diplomatic activities consist of two aspects of “cooperation and struggle”.

In a nutshell, the concept “partner” is understood as “cooperative partner”, and “adversary” is “subject to struggle”. And whether they are “cooperative partners” or “subject to struggle”, the ultimate and paramount goal is for “national interests”, “national security, social order, protection of Fatherland, the Party and the socialist regime”.

“Partners” and “adversaries” in the Document of the 13th Party Congress

After analyzing the world and regional situation, affirming that Vietnam pursues steadfastly its foreign policy of independence, self-reliance, peace, friendship, cooperation and development, diversification and multilateralization, that Vietnam is a friend, a reliable partner and an active and responsible member of the international community, the political report at the 13th Party Congress set out a strategy for foreign activities: “Promoting bilateral diplomacy and raising the level of multilateral diplomacy...; attaching importance to developing cooperative, friendly and traditional relations with neighboring countries...; consolidating and deepening bilateral relations with partners, especially strategic partners, comprehensive partners and other important partners...; Resolutely and persistently defending against all plots and acts of interference in Vietnam’s internal affairs,  encroachment upon our sovereignty, territorial integrity and national security, political stability by hostile forces(9).

Overall, the foreign policy approved by the 13th National Congress is the succession of foreign policy initiated since the Doi Moi, especially the one adopted at the 12th Congress (in 2016) with the consistent strategy of “diversification and multilateralization in foreign relations”, “Vietnam is a friend, a reliable partner and a responsible member in the international community”(10).

In terms of “partners”, it is noticeable that beside Laos and Cambodia who have built a “special neighboring” relationship, Vietnam has so far established strategic partnership with 17 countries and comprehensive partnership with 13 countries. Among them, the top priority is given to neighboring countries, followed by strategic partners and comprehensive partners.

Nevertheless, Vietnam's partnership is not restricted to traditional, strategic or comprehensive partners, but expanded to “other important partners”. The implication of “other important partners” is based on its large network of partners. To date, Vietnam has had diplomatic relations with 189/193 UN member states. It has become member of several regional and international organizations, signed 15 free trade agreements (FTAs), of which the bilateral FTA Vietnam - UK and Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP) are the latest FTAs. With such a wide and multi-layered network of partners, Vietnam has intertwined interests among them. Therefore, in other words, Vietnam's “partners” refer to all countries that have established diplomatic and economic relations and are members of international and regional organizations (such as ASEAN and the United Nations), signatories of multilateral mechanisms and agreements (the Comprehensive and Progressive Agreement for Trans-Pacific Partnership - CPTPP, RCEP, and the Greater Mekong Sub region), participants in international forums (such as the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation - APEC, Asia-Europe Meeting - ASEM), movements to which Vietnam is a member. This means that it is not only relationships that are identified as “strategic partners” or “comprehensive partners” but it is also an indicator to determine the level and nature of this relationship that is established on the basis of the needs of Vietnam and its partners.  The level and nature of this partnership evidently help to determine whether it is strategic or comprehensive according to the consensus view of two parties, regardless of the assessment of the third party.

Regarding “adversaries”, the Political Report at the 13th National Congress clearly referred to forces who have plots and acts of interference in Vietnam’s internal affairs, encroach upon our sovereignty, territorial integrity and national security, political stability”(11). Along with that, the 13th Congress identified the following biggest threats facing the nation in the coming time: 1- Corruption, wastefulness, bureaucracy, degradation in political ideology, morality, lifestyle, “self-evolution”, “self-transformation” as well as complex social conflicts. 2- Hostile forces continue to intensify their opposition to the Party, State and country of Vietnam. 3- Maintain of independence, sovereignty, unity, territorial integrity and peaceful and stable environment… (12). Two of the three threats mentioned above are directly or indirectly related to external “adversaries”. As for the second threat, the 2019 Vietnam National Defense White Paper clearly expressed: Although the conflict in the East Sea recently has shown some positive signals, there still exist threats to instability and tensions challenging the safeguarding of Vietnam's sovereignty, territory, peace and stability. New issues related to the East Sea have arisen, ranging from unilateral acts to forced imposition and militarization defying international law, infringing on Vietnam’s sovereignty and sovereign rights and jurisdiction recognized by international law, damaging the interests of relevant countries, threatening space and maritime peace, stability and security in the region. What is more, non-traditional security issues, such as climate change, human trafficking, terrorism, illegal migration, environmental disasters, epidemics, natural disasters, changes of flows regimes in cross-border rivers… affecting water security, food security, and environmental security in many localities constitute huge challenges for the development of Vietnam(13). Thus, if we think that “adversaries” are refered to what restraining Vietnam's development, destroying the polity, threatening the life of the Communist Party of Vietnam and the polity's existence, and damaging national interests, they should include the above threats.

Some approaches and solutions to handle the “partner” and “adversary” relationship in the new world situation

The political report by 13th National Congress asserted: “The world situations still unfold unexpectedly and rapidly. Peace, cooperation and development remain a major trend, but are facing countless obstacles; strategic competition between major powers as well as local conflicts continue to take place in different forms and become fiercer and more complex, increasing risks to the international economic, political and security environment... The world is moving towards multi-polarity and multi-centers; Major powers cooperate and compromise in one hand and compete, contain each other more fiercely in other hand. Extreme nationalism, great powerism, and pragmatism in international relations are on the rise. Developing countries, particularly small countries, are facing numerous new challenges... The Asia-Pacific region, in which Southeast Asia has an increasingly important strategic position. It is subject to ​​fierce competition between great powers, eventually causing instability”(14).

In fact, the world situation, especially in East Asia and Southeast Asia, has had complicated developments with more risks of armed conflicts related to sovereignty and territorial disputes, hence threatening regional security. Moreover, since the United States’ Free and Open Indo-Pacific Strategy (FOIP) was implemented, this region was subject to adjustment of foreign and security policy of countries inside and outside the region. Some European countries such as France, Germany, and the UK have also launched their own strategies on the Indo-Pacific and gradually increased their involvement in the East Sea.

As a country located in a geo-political area of fierce competition and a wide network of foreign relations with intertwined interests, Vietnam suffers certain influences. In this circumstance, Vietnam needs to deal with the relationship of “partners” and “adversaries” in its foreign policy as follows:

Firstly, be consistent in principles and persistent in strategic matters, but stay sage and flexible in formulating and implementing strategies. “Firm in objectives, flexible in strategies and tactics” should always be Vietnam's foreign policy principle in any circumstance and relationship.

Secondly, be flexible in how to perceive “partners” and “adversaries”. It is essential to avoid the attitude “if you don't support us, you will be our enemy”. Safeguarding and promoting their national interests in the conduct of relations with other countries is the highest objective of all countries.

Thirdly, the concept “partners” and “adversaries” in foreign policy approved by the 13th National Congress reflects the organic relationship between two strategic tasks of national construction and defense and is inherited from previous resolutions, especially Resolution No. 28-NQ/TW. History shows that, definitely, no one can force Vietnam to “choose sides”. Who is the “partner” will be decided by Vietnam itself. However, Vietnam always keeps an open mind to receive goodwill from countries that want to be their partners on the basis of national interests.

The clear identification of “partners” and “adversaries” in the foreign policy by the 13th Party Congress manifests the combination of two strategic tasks of the Party, namely national construction and defense. The Resolutions of the 9th Plenum and 11th Plenum of the 8th Central Committee have been consistent in defining “partners” and “adversaries” as the foundation for institutionalizing them in Vietnam's foreign policy in the new situation. The results of the implementation of diversification and multilateralization strategy are that Vietnam becomes a friend and a reliable partner of countries in the international community. The flexibility in identifying and implementing the principles of “partners” and “adversaries” has contributed to increase Vietnam’s status and prestige in the international arena as today.

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(1) Nguyen Co Thach: “Changes in the world and our new thinking”, Journal of International Studies, No. 1, January 1990

(2) Document of the 7th National Party Congress, National Political Publishing House, Hanoi, 1991, p. 89

(3) Documents of the 7th National Party Congress, ibid, p. 147

(4) Documents of the 8th National Party Congress, National Political Publishing House, Hanoi, 1996, p. 41 - 42

(5) Document of the 9th National Party Congress, National Political Publishing House, Hanoi, 2001, p. 119

(6) Resolution No. 07-NQ/TW dated November 27, 2001 of the Politburo on international economic integration, https://thuvienphapluat.vn/van-ban/Thuong-mai/Nghi-quyet-07-NQ-TW-hoi-nhap-king-te-quoc-te-112630.aspx

(7) Hoang Xuan Lam: “Some issues raised over 10 years of implementing the Resolution of the 8th Central Committee (9th Plenum)”, http://tapchiqptd.vn/vi/nghien-cuu-tim-hieu/mot- so-van-de-dat-ra-qua-10-nam-thuc-hien-nghi-quyet-trung-uong-8-khoa-ix/4098.html

(8) Tran Thai Binh: “Some basic contents in the Strategy for National Defense in the new situation”, http://tapchiqptd.vn/vi/quan-triet-thuc-hien-nghi-quyet/mot -so-noi-dung-co-ban-cue-chien-luoc-bao-ve-to-quoc-in-tinh-hinh-moi/5731.html

(9) Document of the 13th National Party Congress, National Political Publishing House, Hanoi, 2021, vol. I, pp. 162 - 163

(10) Documents of the 12th National Party Congress, Office of the Party Central Committee, Hanoi, 2016, p. 153

(11), (12) Documents of the 13th National Party Congress, ibid, vol. I, p. 163, 108

(13) Ministry of Defense: Vietnam National Defense 2019, National Political Publishing House, Hanoi, pp. 19 - 20

(14) Documents of the 13th National Party Congress, ibid, vol. I, pp. 105, 106, 107

This article was published in the Communist Review No. 967 (June 2021)